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Bartholomew Clocker corroborated the evidence of the previous witness that men had been warned not to work on land belonging to Gogerddan, while Richard Dikins affirmed that Vaughan had taken away his tools, forbidden him to work (presumably at or about the mines), and 'for holding the Horse of the messengers' ne was beaten. John Williams testified that he had his horse and sword taken from him and was beaten by Newell's men and others, tenants to Sir Richard Pryse, when he accompanied the messenger of the House. Evidence for the defence was given by Vaughan who claimed that the mines in question never worked by the King's title but that Sir Richard Pryse's ancestors 'had granted a lease of them to Mr Newell'. The Solicitor General maintained that in the case of a Mine Royal, the King, by law, had a right to water and any other conveniences required. After some deliberation the House ordered that the possession of the mines should be settled according to the former Order, and that Bushell was not to be further disturbed. An interesting but unfortunately undated note attached to the House of Lords Calendar for this date implies that Sir Richard Pryse and his friends were cleared of the charge of contempt but 'Newell and Lloyd have since been apprehended and detained' until they should pay £ 35 each for the messenger's fees. Newell soon paid and was accordingly released, but Lloyd 'is still in custody'. A prayer for redress was submitted on their behalf urging that Bushell may be ordered to satisfy the messenger. 2 On the 23rd of that same month of May Bushell pleaded with the Lords to mediate between him and two London merchants, Thomas Deacon and Nicholas Corselles, and so allow him further time for the completion of his contracts with them. It appears that in 1640 and 1641 Deacon and Corselles bought 1,250 tons of lead from Bushell to be delivered out of the mines royal of Cardiganshire. The latter however had failed to provide the lead, pleading that he was unable to per- form his contracts because of the interference of Sir Richard Pryse. The matter was referred to the Lord Privy Seal with power to mediate, but with the proviso that there was to be no further prosecution in law against Bushell for eighteen months.3 Although the Civil War may have been highly detrimental to the lead and silver mining industries, both Royalist and Parliamentary leaders alike realised their value and, as far as possible, encouraged them. As the leading share-holders in both the societies of the Mines Royal and the Mineral and Battery Works were prominently identified with the King, no governor was chosen during the Civil War, and no meetings were held. Nevertheless in 1642 a subordinate undertaking was formed with a capital of £ 3,700, and a year's output was estimated to be worth £ 5,000.* One of the mines produced twenty pounds and another six pounds of silver to the ton of lead.5 1 Journals of the House of Lords, Vol. V, pp. 62-3. 2 Rep. Hist. MSS. Comm., App. 5, p.21. 3 Ibid., pp. 24 and 118. 4 Scott, supra, Vol. I, p. 242. 5 Journals of the House of Lords, Vol. V, p. 62 (13 May 1642).